Consumption and Consumer Behaviour Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 4000 words

Consumption and Consumer Behaviour - Essay Example (Perner n.d.) Researchers in sociology argue that consumption is both a cultural as well as an economic phenomenon; therefore participation in consumer culture is not restricted to those with financial resources to actually purchase goods. The new middle classes, gender, race and youth influence the development of consumer culture. In her seminal work Consumer Culture, Celia Lury argues that consumer culture should be considered as a subset of material culture; that in its current form consumer culture is characterised by 'stylization', following notions of the 'aestheticisation' of everyday life; the ability of subordinate social groups to influence development of consumer culture. This in turn suggests their relative autonomy form dominant structures of economic and social power and to an extent breaks down the distinction between high and low culture, thus levelling or augmenting social change (cited in Bowlby 1997 and Horrocks 1997). The implications of Lury's theses to marketers are obvious. Aesthetics in product presentation are as important as contents. Children, youth and other subordinate groups, which do not form dominant structures of economic and social power, determine or influence consumption. Marketers have data, analytical ability, practical tools and experience to understand consumer behaviour and presumably have the ability to influence it. Yet marketers influencing consumer behaviour on such a scale as to make their company's gigantic successes are an exception rather than the rule, the honourable exceptions being companies like Tesco, Dove, Innocent and iPod. Professor Andrew Ehrenberg observed "that keeping things the same would represent a reasonable success for most promotional campaigns." (Marketing theory2007). On the other hand from a consumer's viewpoint is buying a simple process Is it just that people recognise the need for a product, locate a place to buy it, buy it and consume it According to the post-modern approach, there are a lot of influences that affect the 'simple process'. The experience of Wal-Mart's Latin America operations have important lesson for marketers. The retail chain designed its stores the way they are in the US, with narrow aisles broad parking areas and red, white and blue banners. Latin Americans like wide aisles because they visit super markets with their large families; large parking lots do not appeal to them, as many do not own cars and the banners appeared to them as 'Yankee imperialism'. Consumer's buying behaviour is influenced by cultural, social, personal and psychological factors but in this mix cultural factors dominate. (Kotler 2003, p.183). The following diagram depicts the stimulus-organism-response model of buying behaviour: Model of buyer behaviour- Adapted from Kotler 2003, p. 184 According to Kotler, culture, subculture and social class largely determine the consumer's buying behaviour. (Kotler 2003, p. 183). Culture or civilisation is an individual's highest form of identification with the society. Each culture has within itself - sub-cultures - smaller

Cost-Benefit and Cost-Effective Evaluation Methods Useful for Evaluating Effective Training Essay Example for Free

Cost-Benefit and Cost-Effective Evaluation Methods Useful for Evaluating Effective Training Essay For over a hundred years the concept of both cost-benefit evaluation and cost-effective evaluation methods has been used for numerous fields and industries to see the positive and negative sides of undertaking a project. These methods has been used to analyze public health; transportation; and etc. Each and every company would rather see more of profits than losses. Employers see that their employees and the trainings are investments to their business. Hence, employers need to have assurances that the trainings that they give out to their employees would be both beneficial to the employers in terms of profit and as well as return of investment (ROI). In order to gain much profit, the employers need to have their employees be up to par with industry standards with avant-garde skills through effective training. Employers do take note that in order to have highly qualified employees they need to give effective and quality training. Using the above mentioned evaluation methods would let the employers know: how much it would cost them to train their employees; the duration of the training – would determine the effectiveness and implementation of the skills. Then again these methodologies are not full-proof as there are numerous factors to be taken note of, to guarantee one hundred percent success rate of these trainings such as: the capabilities of their employees, the willingness of their employees to learn these trainings; and finally applying them during operation. The use of these evaluation methods can be a rough guide to corporations and institutions, to name a few, to see the quality and assess projected costs of trainings and steps to be taken. With such projections yielded by these methods one may be on track with their project management and asset management.

Rise of the Asian Tigers in the 1980s: Causes and Effects

Rise of the Asian Tigers in the 1980s: Causes and Effects Examine the rise of the so-called Asian Tigers in the 1980s and its importance for regional economic development. Focus on one or two countries. The following will thoroughly examine the rise of the so-called Asian Tigers in the 1980s, and its importance for the advancing of regional economic development within the Southeast region of Asia. The countries included within the term Asian Tiger had generally been poor and economically underdeveloped at the start of the immediate post-war period. The majority of the countries that would go on to form the so-called Asian Tigers were colonies, or had recently been colonies which had been ruled by Western powers such as Britain, or in the case of South Korea, by Japan. The so-called Asian Tigers were countries that by and large had substantial natural resources, were strategically well-placed, as well as having the potential of becoming wealthier, and eventually offering their populations higher standards of living. Although the governments of the nation states that make up the so-called Asian Tigers had originally acted independently of each other, the economic policies they pursued led to strong, even dynamic economic growth. Besides improving the economic position of each of the so-called Asian Tigers, their economic polices also arguably, had a high level of importance for regional economic development within the Southeast region taken as a whole. Although the countries that became the so-called Asian Tigers held various factors or policies in common with each other, this following examination will concentrate upon South Korea and Taiwan as the main examples to be evaluated, as well as analysed. In many respects the blueprint for the economic development of the countries that became the so-called Asian Tigers was provided by Japan, which had become one of the most prosperous and dynamic economies in the world by the 1970s. The term Asian Tigers itself was originally made up as a means to describe the high economic growth rates and increased degrees of economic development of countries within the Southeast and East Asia regions. When the term Asian Tigers came into widespread use it usually referred to Hong Kong, Japan, Singapore, alongside the two countries featured in this examination in more detail, South Korea, and Taiwan. Japanese development was faster than that of the other four original Asian Tigers. Britain influenced the economic policies of Hong Kong, as it remained a British colony until reverting back to Chinese control in 1997. Some studies of the Asian Tigers have also included Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and although still officially a communist state, the Peoples’ Republic of China (Evans Newnham, 1998 p. 36). There are sound reasons as to why the governments of the countries within the Southeast and the Eastern regions of Asia decided to attempt to accelerate the rates of economic growth, as well as the depth of development within their domestic economies. Some of the reasons for striving to achieve sustainable high levels of economic growth and development, social and political motivations were also influential, even if not as paramount as economic factors. The objectives of the governments of the countries that became the so-called Asian Tigers were to modernise their national economies (Brown with Ainley, 2005 p. 157). The intention was to transform their national economies from being underdeveloped, to newly industrialised countries and eventually to become developed countries. Japan was probably the best role model for the governments of South Korea and Taiwan to copy or emulate (Bannock, Baxter and Davis, p.278). Japan had been economically, as well as physically devastated as a con sequence of the Second World War, yet its post-war economic development was a remarkable example to attempt to copy (Hobsbawm, 1994, p.279). Japan, just like the countries of Western Europe had been helped to recover and develop economically courtesy of substantial funding from the United States. The Americans had been content to aid other countries to prevent the spread of Communism (Evans Newnham, 1998, p.316). Aside from aid from foreign governments and money from private foreign investors, the governments of South Korea and Taiwan could use the Asian Development Bank, besides the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank to fund their economic development projects (Bannock, Baxter Davis, 2003, p.10). In some respects the governments of South Korea and Taiwan were able to take advantage of their countries respective geographic and strategic positions when they pursued economic development policies, which led to them being included amongst the so-called Asian Tigers. Perhaps the governments of South Korea and Taiwan would not have received so much foreign investment had it not been for the Civil War. South Korea in particular, was given substantial American assistance after the end of the Korean War which had caused a great deal of damage (Woodruff, 2005, p.255). The government of South Korea instigated successful strategies for economic growth and development in the aftermath of the Korean War ending. The agricultural sector was reformed, whilst the government actively promoted industrialisation, a process aided by high levels of investment, particularly from the United States and Japan (Tipton, 1998, 305). The Americans were keen for South Korea to have a strong economy to bolste r the position of its regime, while Japan was the largest single investor in the country. The reason why industrialisation was successful in South Korea was the high quality of the products made there, as well as the skills of the South Korean workforce. Japanese companies also sited factories in South Korea, due to the skills and the productivity of its workers (Tipton, 1998 p. 426). By the 1980s, South Korea had a strong economy with high growth, high productivity, advanced industries, and skilled workers. The combination of all of these factors meant that the country enjoyed dynamic economic growth, definitely entitling it to be included amongst the so-called Asian Tigers. Strong economic growth and development in South Korea arguably had an impact upon economic development in the Southeast and East Asia regions. The government of South Korea realised that unhindered and unrestricted trade, as well as investments would be in the best interests of all the countries within the Asia-Pacific area. After all South Korea was one of the so-called Asian Tigers in the 1980s that were successful due to extensive trade with the United States, Japan, and its neighbours (Tipton, 1998 p.427). Taiwan was another country that was included in the group of nations dubbed the Asian Tigers, due to a sustained period of dynamic economic growth and also rapid economic development. Taiwan had actually been part of China prior to the Communist take over of the Chinese mainland in 1949. The remnants of the Nationalist fled to Taiwan and went into exile. The anti-Communist stance of Taiwan’s government increased the chance of conflict with China. However, the threat of conflict with China also brought with it American military protection and financial assistance (Crystal, 2007 p. 339). Taiwan’s transition from an economically underdeveloped country towards becoming one of the so-called Asian Tigers began during the 1950s when the agricultural sector was made more efficient. Improved agricultural efficiency allowed more labour, material and financial resources to be used in a rapid industrialisation process (Tipton, 1998 p. 306). Taiwan was able to finance much of the in dustrialisation process through the increased exports of agricultural products and later the proceeds of selling industrial goods. The dynamic economic growth and impressive economic development was assisted by the diversity of the industries set up, which ranged from heavy industry such as steel, through to the manufacture of electronic components and consumer goods (Whitaker’s 2007 p. 1015). The government of Taiwan, with the private sector having little influence over decision-making controlled the initial moves towards the industrialisation and also the modernisation of the economy. As with South Korea and the other so-called Asian Tigers, trade was of vital importance to the success of the industrialisation and also the modernisation of the economy, as without trade economic growth and development would have occurred slowly if at all. Exports helped to pay for new factories, new machinery, besides raising levels of economic growth. In turn new factories and new machinery meant that Taiwan increased its productivity levels, and was then able to export more goods and products abroad. Higher export revenues greatly assisted the transformation of Taiwan into being a newly industrialised country, as well as subsequent progress towards being a fully developed country (Brown with Ainley, 2005 p. 157). The government of Taiwan changed its approach to achieving high levels of economic growth and development during the 1970s, allowing the private sector and foreign investment to have a much more pronounced influence over decision-making (Crystal, 2007 p. 339). Economic liberalisation would prove to be a precursor for both the democratization of Taiwan, and with efforts to strengthen trade links with other countries in the region (Tipton, 1998 p. 430). Economic growth rates remained impressively high throughout the 1980s, and could have been even better but for widespread corruption (Woodruff, 2005 p. 372). The maintaining of strong trading links, the improvement of other areas of trade, alongside attracting substantial foreign investments kept Taiwan’s economic growth and development as impressive as ever during the 1980s. Taiwan’s government however, along with other governments within the region regarded the expansion of trade within the region as being vital for the continuation of both economic growth and development (Tipton, 1998 p. 429). Trade with Hong Kong, Japan, Singapore, and South Korea also assisted regional economic development as a whole, and not just within each individual country. Trade between the so-called Asian Tigers stimulated all of their economies to the mutual benefit of them all. Trade with other countries such as the United States, China, Australia, and Russia was also considered to be important for the economic development of the region (Bannock, Baxter, Davis, 2003 p. 36). In 1989, the so-called Asian Tigers were amongst the founding members of the Asia Pacific Economic Co-operation organisation, an organisation which was intended to boost trade between all of its member states and thus provide further stimulus for regional economic development (Bannock, Baxter, Davis, 2003 p.10). Therefore, the so-called Asian Tigers were able to achieve high rates of economic growth and development through the economic policies adopted by their respective governments. The governments of South Korea and Taiwan at first played a prominent role in promoting economic growth and development in their countries. Taiwan had been a largely agriculture island of little significance until the former Nationalist government of China fled there. The South Korean government had the task of reconstructing its country after the Korean War. Both countries reformed their agricultural sectors as a means of funding industrialisation and modernisation programmes. To a degree both countries were also helped by American aid, especially South Korea due to their strategic locations during the Cold War. Trade was a vital stimulation for the high economic growth and development experienced by South Korea and Taiwan, particularly that with the other so-called Asian Tigers and with the United States. Tra de generated wealth, and it also stimulated foreign investment into all of the so-called Asian Tigers. Contact with other countries also had the unintended effect of promoting economic and political reform in South Korea and Taiwan. Both countries were keen to promote trade further, as demonstrated by joining the Asia Pacific Economic Co-operation organization. Over all the entire link between increased economic growth and development within the so-called Asian Tigers and the improvement of the regional economic development, as a whole is strong. Bibliography Brown C, with Ainley K, (2005) Understanding International Relations 3rd edition, Palgrave, Basingstoke Crystal D, (2007) The Penguin Factfinder, Penguin, London Evans G Newnham J, (1998) The Penguin Dictionary of International Relations, Penguin, London Hobsbawm, E (1994) Age of Extremes, the Short Twentieth Century 1914-1991, Michael Joseph, London Tipton F B, (1998) The Rise of Asia, Economics, Society and Politics in Contemporary Asia, MacMillan, Basingstoke Whitaker’s (2007) Whitaker’s Almanack – Today’s world in one volume, A C, London Woodruff W, (2005) A Concise History of the Modern World, Abacus, London

Grapes Of Wrath Biblical Allusions Essay -- John Steinbeck Bible Relig

John Steinbeck carefully molded his story The Grapes of Wrath to encompass many themes and ideas. He included several Biblical allusions to enforce his message of the migrating families coming together to form a community. Steinbeck alludes to Biblical characters through Jim Casy and Rose of Sharon, events like the family’s journey to California and the flood at the end of the novel, and teachings throughout the novel.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The Biblical allusions represented by the characters in the novel are most obvious in the characters of Jim Casy and Rose of Sharon. However, the Joad family is made up of twelve including Connie, much like the twelve disciples that followed Jesus. Connie represents the traitor, the Judas figure who had betrayed Jesus the night of his arrest when he walks out on his family for selfish reasons.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Jim Casy is an allusion to Jesus Christ. They have the same initials and live their lives as examples of their beliefs; Jesus to the world and Casy to Tom. Casy even compares himself to Christ when he says, â€Å"I got tired like Him, an’ I got mixed up like Him, an’ I went into the wilderness like Him, without no campin’ stuff† (105). In the first half of the book Casy is thinking and forming his ideas. He changes from a thinker to a man of action when he sacrifices himself for Tom. When in prison Casy sees the advantage of organizing people to achieve a common goal. When Casy tried to put his ideas into action he, like Christ, aroused the antago...

A Culture of Resistance: The Chipko Movement

Society as a collective entity could easily influenced an individual but in the same manner the society could also be shaped by people. This is exemplified through the idea of cultutral resistance which is a political activity that enables individual to create or change political discourse and eventually political practices (Duncombe, 2002). The Chipko Movement of India is a good example to better understand this.The Chipko Andolan also known as hugged the trees movement is an environmental activist that started in the grassroots level. Its origins could be traced back in March 1973 at Gopeshwar   in the Chamoli district, in Uttar Pradesh, India.A group of citizens hold each other hand in hand to create a human chain and hugged the trees to prevent a sport company from cutting it down. The same incident took place in the village of Reni in the Himalayas during the year 1974.Women coming from this village also protected the trees by hugging them despite the license given by the Gove rnment Department of Forests that enables the contractors to cut them. Ever since the Chipko Movement attracted attention coming from other people in India (Dwivedi, 1996).The Chipko Movement addresses the problem of inequality that is happening in the distribution of natural resources. The usage of commodities like trees creates a conflict in the country of India because of the contradicting demands for it. The marginalized minority utilizes this resource as a means that would support their livelihood. On the other hand, trees are needed in order to address the demands of commerce and industry (Shiva & Bandyopadhyay, 1986).The inequlity in this situation is not only in terms of the unequal distribution of natural resources but also in terms of the power and influence that big corporations have as compared to the marginalized citizens of India. It is something that usual political practices could not solve and sometimes even tolerate as in the case of the 1974 incident in the Reni V illage, which is why the Chipko Movement decided on a new method of addressing the problem.In order to fully comprehend this movement as well as the tactics that it utilized there should first be an understanding of Mahatma Gandhi's ideology when it comes to conflcit as well as the diverse religion of India. Gandhi is famous for leading non-violent forms of struggle that overthrew the colonial rule of the British in India.He was able to combine the idea of â€Å"ahimsa† meaning â€Å"no harm† or â€Å"wanton killing†Ã‚   with social struggle. This non-violent activists deems that the truth will eventually emerged as long as one party is committed in standing for it (Kamieniecki, 1993).Gandhi's â€Å"Satyagraha†or the search for truth was adapted by the Chipko movement through the â€Å"Forest Satyagraha† which means the continuous search for truth in terms of the rights of trees. This movement follow the idea of non-violence in fighting for their c ause that goes as far as including non-human forms (Dwivedi, 1996).Forest Satyagraha does not only answer economic and environemtal problems because it also has its religious aspect. The major religions in India promotes compassion for all life regardless of its contribution to human beings (Kamieniecki, 1993). Its religious basis also comes from the fact that this movement is participated and led by women. Women play a very vital role in the family particularly in the Himalayan area.They are more in touch with the natural environment because they have the task of gathering woods and other agricultural products for their family while their spouses leave them behind to work in urban areas.Himalayan women are also more religious than their male counterparts which is why they believe that green trees are the dwelling place of â€Å"Hari† or the Almigthy Father. Every tree has their own â€Å"Vriksadevata† or tree god and that the goddess of the forests, â€Å"Van Deviâ⠂¬  will assure the safety of their family (Dwivedi, 1996).Mahatma Gandhi strongly believes in the importance of India's various values and cultures. He deems that the problems they are facing could find its solutions in the very ideals that they have. His concept of â€Å"Satyagraha† which was later on used by the Chipko movement as â€Å"Forest Satyagraha† is a clear example of how non-violent form of resistance could work against unequal and cruel foes like large corporations.This method that they have utilized is rooted in the very culture of India which is their strong religious belief that gives importance in valuing all forms of life (Dwivedi, 1996).The tactics that was used by the Chipko Movement tends to reform the issue of inequality in the local and structural level. It is well-known that Hindus practice the caste system wherein its citizens are divided according to particular groups (Perez, 2004).This kind of structural system already paved the way for ine quality to propagate. There are people who enjoy the privileged and powerful position and those who are marginalized. Being the case, inequality in the distribution of natural resources is bound to happen with such kind of system.The Chipko Movement strives to change this very inequality that is embedded within India's structure and it became evident in a more localized level in the issue of logging. This movement started tackling inequality in the issue of the utilization of trees in the grassrootsbut this problem is just an effect of what is really happening in the structural level.Their actions started in giving immediate response in what is happening in the local level but the attention it acquired enabled it to highlight the root cause of the problem in the upper level. It does not only stop within the state institutions of the Indian government but it also reach the international level.Many states are using the ideals of   the Chipko movement as an example on how the pressin g problems in ecology and environmental sustainability could be deal with. (Agarwal, _).Using a non-violent method to addressed the causes that the Chipko Movement is advocating for reflects that they decided to take a different approach in solving problems. It is an approach that   embodies their very culture and ideals.Their understanding of the problem is dependent upon the thinking that its solution would come from these factors that they uphold. This is supported by Gandhi's same belief in the power of India's rich cultural heritage and its capability to solve the dilemma that their country has (Dwivedi, 1996).This social movement greatly believes in non-violence and the preservation of all forms of life. These beliefs influence their understanding of the problem and the path that they chose to addressed it.They saw the importance of trees in their livelihood that is why they protected it through the embraced tree tactic. This non-violent form of resistance symbolizes their u nderstanding that to be able to solve this dilemma compassionate means should be practiced.If they decided to find solution to the problem by using adversarial tendencies then they contradict the very ideal that they are fighting for. It is the Gandhian principles of â€Å"ahimsa† and â€Å"satyagraha† that they based their movement on. They have to uphold these principles in the decisions that they make and in the actions that they take.

Foundation THE STORY BEHIND THE “FOUNDATION”

By ISAAC ASIMOV The date was August 1, 1941. World War II had been raging for two years. France had fallen, the Battle of Britain had been fought, and the Soviet Union had just been invaded by Nazi Germany. The bombing of Pearl Harbor was four months in the future. But on that day, with Europe in flames, and the evil shadow of Adolf Hitler apparently falling over all the world, what was chiefly on my mind was a meeting toward which I was hastening. I was 21 years old, a graduate student in chemistry at Columbia University, and I had been writing science fiction professionally for three years. In that time, I had sold five stories to John Campbell, editor of Astounding, and the fifth story, â€Å"Nightfall,† was about to appear in the September 1941 issue of the magazine. I had an appointment to see Mr. Campbell to tell him the plot of a new story I was planning to write, and the catch was that I had no plot in mind, not the trace of one. I therefore tried a device I sometimes use. I opened a book at random and set up free association, beginning with whatever I first saw. The book I had with me was a collection of the Gilbert and Sullivan plays. I happened to open it to the picture of the Fairy Queen of lolanthe throwing herself at the feet of Private Willis. I thought of soldiers, of military empires, of the Roman Empire of a Galactic Empire aha! Why shouldn't I write of the fall of the Galactic Empire and of the return of feudalism, written from the viewpoint of someone in the secure days of the Second Galactic Empire? After all, I had read Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire not once, but twice. I was bubbling over by the time I got to Campbell's, and my enthusiasm must have been catching for Campbell blazed up as I had never seen him do. In the course of an hour we built up the notion of a vast series of connected stories that were to deal in intricate detail with the thousand-year period between the First and Second Galactic Empires. This was to be illuminated by the science of psychohistory, which Campbell and I thrashed out between us. On August 11, 1941, therefore, I began the story of that interregnum and called it â€Å"Foundation.† In it, I described how the psychohistorian, Hari Seldon, established a pair of Foundations at opposite ends of the Universe under such circumstances as to make sure that the forces of history would bring about the second Empire after one thousand years instead of the thirty thousand that would be required otherwise. The story was submitted on September 8 and, to make sure that Campbell really meant what he said about a series, I ended â€Å"Foundation† on a cliff-hanger. Thus, it seemed to me, he would be forced to buy a second story. However, when I started the second story (on October 24), I found that I had outsmarted myself. I quickly wrote myself into an impasse, and the Foundation series would have died an ignominious death had I not had a conversation with Fred Pohl on November 2 (on the Brooklyn Bridge, as it happened). I don't remember what Fred actually said, but, whatever it was, it pulled me out of the hole. â€Å"Foundation† appeared in the May 1942 issue of Astounding and the succeeding story, â€Å"Bridle and Saddle,† in the June 1942 issue. After that there was only the routine trouble of writing the stories. Through the remainder of the decade, John Campbell kept my nose to the grindstone and made sure he got additional Foundation stories. â€Å"The Big and the Little† was in the August 1944 Astounding, â€Å"The Wedge† in the October 1944 issue, and â€Å"Dead Hand† in the April 1945 issue. (These stories were written while I was working at the Navy Yard in Philadelphia.) On January 26, 1945, I began â€Å"The Mule,† my personal favorite among the Foundation stories, and the longest yet, for it was 50,000 words. It was printed as a two-part serial (the very first serial I was ever responsible for) in the November and December 1945 issues. By the time the second part appeared I was in the army. After I got out of the army, I wrote â€Å"Now You See It† which appeared in the January 1948 issue. By this time, though, I had grown tired of the Foundation stories so I tried to end them by setting up, and solving, the mystery of the location of the Second Foundation. Campbell would have none of that, however. He forced me to change the ending, and made me promise I would do one more Foundation story. Well, Campbell was the kind of editor who could not be denied, so I wrote one more Foundation story, vowing to myself that it would be the last. I called it â€Å"?And Now You Don't,† and it appeared as a three-part serial in the November 1949, December 1949, and January 1950 issues of Astounding. By then, I was on the biochemistry faculty of Boston University School of Medicine, my first book had just been published, and I was determined to move on to new things. I had spent eight years on the Foundation, written nine stories with a total of about 220,000 words. My total earnings for the series came to $3,641 and that seemed enough. The Foundation was over and done with, as far as I was concerned. In 1950, however, hardcover science fiction was just coming into existence. I had no objection to earning a little more money by having the Foundation series reprinted in book form. I offered the series to Doubleday (which had already published a science-fiction novel by me, and which had contracted for another) and to Little-Brown, but both rejected it. In that year, though, a small publishing firm, Gnome Press, was beginning to be active, and it was prepared to do the Foundation series as three books. The publisher of Gnome felt, however, that the series began too abruptly. He persuaded me to write a small Foundation story, one that would serve as an introductory section to the first book (so that the first part of the Foundation series was the last written). In 1951, the Gnome Press edition of Foundation was published, containing the introduction and the first four stories of the series. In 1952, Foundation and Empire appeared, with the fifth and sixth stories; and in 1953, Second Foundation appeared, with the seventh and eighth stories. The three books together came to be called The Foundation Trilogy. The mere fact of the existence of the Trilogy pleased me, but Gnome Press did not have the financial clout or the publishing knowhow to get the books distributed properly, so that few copies were sold and fewer still paid me royalties. (Nowadays, copies of first editions of those Gnome Press books sell at $50 a copy and up?but I still get no royalties from them.) Ace Books did put out paperback editions of Foundation and of Foundation and Empire, but they changed the titles, and used cut versions. Any money that was involved was paid to Gnome Press and I didn't see much of that. In the first decade of the existence of The Foundation Trilogy it may have earned something like $1500 total. And yet there was some foreign interest. In early 1961, Timothy Seldes, who was then my editor at Doubleday, told me that Doubleday had received a request for the Portuguese rights for the Foundation series and, since they weren't Doubleday books, he was passing them on to me. I sighed and said, â€Å"The heck with it, Tim. I don't get royalties on those books.† Seldes was horrified, and instantly set about getting the books away from Gnome Press so that Doubleday could publish them instead. He paid no attention to my loudly expressed fears that Doubleday â€Å"would lose its shirt on them.† In August 1961 an agreement was reached and the Foundation books became Doubleday property. What's more, Avon Books, which had published a paperback version of Second Foundation, set about obtaining the rights to all three from Doubleday, and put out nice editions. From that moment on, the Foundation books took off and began to earn increasing royalties. They have sold well and steadily, both in hardcover and softcover, for two decades so far. Increasingly, the letters I received from the readers spoke of them in high praise. They received more attention than all my other books put together. Doubleday also published an omnibus volume, The Foundation Trilogy, for its Science Fiction Book Club. That omnibus volume has been continuously featured by the Book Club for over twenty years. Matters reached a climax in 1966. The fans organizing the World Science Fiction Convention for that year (to be held in Cleveland) decided to award a Hugo for the best all-time series, where the series, to qualify, had to consist of at least three connected novels. It was the first time such a category had been set up, nor has it been repeated since. The Foundation series was nominated, and I felt that was going to have to be glory enough for me, since I was sure that Tolkien's â€Å"Lord of the Rings† would win. It didn't. The Foundation series won, and the Hugo I received for it has been sitting on my bookcase in the livingroom ever since. In among all this litany of success, both in money and in fame, there was one annoying side-effect. Readers couldn't help but notice that the books of the Foundation series covered only three hundred-plus years of the thousand-year hiatus between Empires. That meant the Foundation series â€Å"wasn't finished.† I got innumerable letters from readers who asked me to finish it, from others who demanded I finish it, and still others who threatened dire vengeance if I didn't finish it. Worse yet, various editors at Doubleday over the years have pointed out that it might be wise to finish it. It was flattering, of course, but irritating as well. Years had passed, then decades. Back in the 1940s, I had been in a Foundation-writing mood. Now I wasn't. Starting in the late 1950s, I had been in a more and more nonfiction-writing mood. That didn't mean I was writing no fiction at all. In the 1960s and 1970s, in fact, I wrote two science-fiction novels and a mystery novel, to say nothing of well over a hundred short stories but about eighty percent of what I wrote was nonfiction. One of the most indefatigable nags in the matter of finishing the Foundation series was my good friend, the great science-fiction writer, Lester del Rey. He was constantly telling me I ought to finish the series and was just as constantly suggesting plot devices. He even told Larry Ashmead, then my editor at Doubleday, that if I refused to write more Foundation stories, he, Lester, would be willing to take on the task. When Ashmead mentioned this to me in 1973, I began another Foundation novel out of sheer desperation. I called it â€Å"Lightning Rod† and managed to write fourteen pages before other tasks called me away. The fourteen pages were put away and additional years passed. In January 1977, Cathleen Jordan, then my editor at Doubleday, suggested I do â€Å"an important book a Foundation novel, perhaps.† I said, â€Å"I'd rather do an autobiography,† and I did 640,000 words of it. In January 1981, Doubleday apparently lost its temper. At least, Hugh O'Neill, then my editor there, said, â€Å"Betty Prashker wants to see you,† and marched me into her office. She was then one of the senior editors, and a sweet and gentle person. She wasted no time. â€Å"Isaac,† she said, â€Å"you are going to write a novel for us and you are going to sign a contract to that effect.† â€Å"Betty,† I said, â€Å"I am already working on a big science book for Doubleday and I have to revise the Biographical Encyclopedia for Doubleday and â€Å" â€Å"It can all wait,† she said. â€Å"You are going to sign a contract to do a novel. What's more, we're going to give you a $50,000 advance.† That was a stunner. I don't like large advances. They put me under too great an obligation. My average advance is something like $3,000. Why not? It's all out of royalties. I said, â€Å"That's way too much money, Betty.† â€Å"No, it isn't,† she said. â€Å"Doubleday will lose its shirt,† I said. â€Å"You keep telling us that all the time. It won't.† I said, desperately, â€Å"All right. Have the contract read that I don't get any money until I notify you in writing that I have begun the novel.† â€Å"Are you crazy?† she said. â€Å"You'll never start if that clause is in the contract. You get $25,000 on signing the contract, and $25,000 on delivering a completed manuscript.† â€Å"But suppose the novel is no good.† â€Å"Now you're being silly,† she said, and she ended the conversation. That night, Pat LoBrutto, the science-fiction editor at Doubleday called to express his pleasure. â€Å"And remember,† he said, â€Å"that when we say ‘novel' we mean ‘science-fiction novel,' not anything else. And when we say ‘science-fiction novel,' we mean ‘Foundation novel' and not anything else.† On February 5, 1981, I signed the contract, and within the week, the Doubleday accounting system cranked out the check for $25,000. I moaned that I was not my own master anymore and Hugh O'Neill said, cheerfully, â€Å"That's right, and from now on, we're going to call every other week and say, ‘Where's the manuscript?† (But they didn't. They left me strictly alone, and never even asked for a progress report.) Nearly four months passed while I took care of a vast number of things I had to do, but about the end of May, I picked up my own copy of The Foundation Trilogy and began reading. I had to. For one thing, I hadn't read the Trilogy in thirty years and while I remembered the general plot, I did not remember the details. Besides, before beginning a new Foundation novel I had to immerse myself in the style and atmosphere of the series. I read it with mounting uneasiness. I kept waiting for something to happen, and nothing ever did. All three volumes, all the nearly quarter of a million words, consisted of thoughts and of conversations. No action. No physical suspense. What was all the fuss about, then? Why did everyone want more of that stuff? To be sure, I couldn't help but notice that I was turning the pages eagerly, and that I was upset when I finished the book, and that I wanted more, but I was the author, for goodness' sake. You couldn't go by me. I was on the edge of deciding it was all a terrible mistake and of insisting on giving back the money, when (quite by accident, I swear) I came across some sentences by science-fiction writer and critic, James Gunn, who, in connection with the Foundation series, said, â€Å"Action and romance have little to do with the success of the Trilogy virtually all the action takes place offstage, and the romance is almost invisible but the stories provide a detective-story fascination with the permutations and reversals of ideas.† Oh, well, if what was needed were â€Å"permutations and reversals of ideas,† then that I could supply. Panic receded, and on June 10, 1981, I dug out the fourteen pages I had written more than eight years before and reread them. They sounded good to me. I didn't remember where I had been headed back then, but I had worked out what seemed to me to be a good ending now, and, starting page 15 on that day, I proceeded to work toward the new ending. I found, to my infinite relief, that I had no trouble getting back into a â€Å"Foundation-mood,† and, fresh from my rereading, I had Foundation history at my finger-tips. There were differences, to be sure: 1) The original stories were written for a science-fiction magazine and were from 7,000 to 50,000 words long, and no more. Consequently, each book in the trilogy had at least two stories and lacked unity. I intended to make the new book a single story. 2) I had a particularly good chance for development since Hugh said, â€Å"Let the book find its own length, Isaac. We don't mind a long book.† So I planned on 140,000 words, which was nearly three times the length of â€Å"The Mule,† and this gave me plenty of elbow-room, and I could add all sorts of little touches. 3) The Foundation series had been written at a time when our knowledge of astronomy was primitive compared with what it is today. I could take advantage of that and at least mention black holes, for instance. I could also take advantage of electronic computers, which had not been invented until I was half through with the series. The novel progressed steadily, and on January 17, 1982, I began final copy. I brought the manuscript to Hugh O'Neill in batches, and the poor fellow went half-crazy since he insisted on reading it in this broken fashion. On March 25, 1982, I brought in the last bit, and the very next day got the second half of the advance. I had kept â€Å"Lightning Rod† as my working title all the way through, but Hugh finally said, â€Å"Is there any way of putting ‘Foundation' into the title, Isaac?† I suggested Foundations at Bay, therefore, and that may be the title that will actually be used. * You will have noticed that I have said nothing about the plot of the new Foundation novel. Well, naturally. I would rather you buy and read the book. And yet there is one thing I have to confess to you. I generally manage to tie up all the loose ends into one neat little bow-knot at the end of my stories, no matter how complicated the plot might be. In this case, however, I noticed that when I was all done, one glaring little item remained unresolved. I am hoping no one else notices it because it clearly points the way to the continuation of the series. It is even possible that I inadvertently gave this away for at the end of the novel, I wrote: â€Å"The End (for now).† I very much fear that if the novel proves successful, Doubleday will be at my throat again, as Campbell used to be in the old days. And yet what can I do but hope that the novel is very successful indeed. What a quandary! *Editor's note: The novel was published in October 1982 as Foundation's Edge.